How are students reshaping the politics in Bangladesh?

On August 5, 2024, the Sheikh Hasina government, which had ruled Bangladesh with an robust fist for astir sixteen years, collapsed pursuing the quota betterment question led by students and governmental parties. Over the people of the July-August uprising, a fewer incidents basal out.

First, is the relation of the backstage universities, which had mostly stayed distant from governmental movements till then. Second, is the portion played by the ‘study circles’, formed 3 years earlier the illness of the authorities to flight authorities surveillance. Third, is the prominence of the Jamaat-e-Islami (JeI) and its pupil cadres. Fourth is the disappearance of the Bangladesh Chhatra League — the pupil helping of Sheikh Hasina’s Awami League (AL) — a time anterior to the students’ march to Dhaka.

Historically, students person been astatine the forefront of assorted governmental movements successful Bangladesh. Be it the connection question that saw the students of the Dhaka University (DU) request the designation of Bangla arsenic the nationalist language, oregon the students handing implicit the emblem of the autarkic Bangladesh to Sheikh Mujibur Rahman anterior to the Liberation War of 1971, oregon the anti-Ershad question of the 1990s, oregon the latest July gyration of 2024, students person played an important relation successful shaping the authorities of the country.

More than students’ causes

A singular origin of these protests has been the students’ capableness to alteration their causes into broad-based movements. In the 2024 July -August uprising that yet overthrew Ms. Hasina, not lone the teachers, but the parents of the students excessively became portion of the movement. “It was intolerable to support the children astatine home. As they moved to the streets, the parents joined them,” a witnesser said. What began arsenic a students’ question efficaciously became a Chhatro-Janata (student-people) question eventually.

The 2024 protests besides saw governmental actors and cadres play a important role, organising and implementing the docket of the students. This was evident from the information that the students, who wanted a reversal of the quota system, were unwilling to renounce their protests adjacent aft the Supreme Court scrapped the High Court decision. It is apt that the Opposition governmental parties, which had a vested involvement successful removing Ms. Hasina, took the centrestage, efficaciously transforming the objectives of the archetypal question that focused connected quota reforms.

Also, Ms. Hasina’s government, that had conducted 3 flawed elections, mislaid interaction with the ground. The dissatisfaction and discontent among the radical were evident arsenic corruption had seeped into the system. Ruthless repression was unleashed by a politicised law-and-order machinery that saw its interests entrenched with the endurance of the government.

The Hasina government’s labelling of the students arsenic razakars (a sanction utilized to notation to those who collaborated with the Pakistan Army successful 1971) not lone incensed them but besides showed the government’s efforts astatine delegitimising the protesters’ demands. The students, however, turned the slogan to their vantage and made it a ‘counter-hegemonic’ line, managing to hijack the narrative-building from the hands of the government.

Affluent students from backstage universities successful Dhaka, who had earlier remained aloof during the quota betterment movement, besides joined the protests, changing the quality of the movement. The protests were, arsenic Bangladeshi world Navine Murshid described, “organised mobilisations against the repressive authorities apparatus”.

Organising the movement

Several survey circles oregon Patho chakros were established by the students anterior to the July upheaval to sermon the political, ideological and societal issues confronting Bangladesh. These tiny groups included intellectuals with whom students could sermon issues that affected Bangladesh authorities and stock their thoughts connected the mode forward. One specified radical was besides linked to writer and Awami League professional Farhad Mazhar, whose ideas connected revolution, particularly his publication Gono-Obhyuthan O Gothon: Bangladeshe Gonorajnoitik Dharar Bikash Proshongo, were discussed by the students.

The enactment of these groups was important fixed the governmental context. There had been nary avenues for students to behaviour their activities, stock their thoughts oregon openly criticise the government, owed to the draconian Digital Security Act, and a pervasive civilization of fear.

Groups specified arsenic the Bodhi Chakra, the Bhabo Boithak and the Gurubar Adda etc. came into being arsenic treatment forums for politics. These forums created unity among the students, breaching ideological barriers. As Sohul Ahmed, a Dhaka-based governmental expert said, “the Shahbag radical and the Shapla Chattor group, who stood astatine the utmost ends of 2 ideologies, came unneurotic successful these survey circles by bridging the governmental region that existed betwixt them since 2013”. The students, without creating a caller organisation, took assistance from existing ones to enactment guardant their ideas.

Magazines specified arsenic Rashtro Chinta focused connected governmental issues portion Purbo Pakho and Ronoppa were taste journals.

Many artists besides joined the protest. Not lone did they gully posters but they besides sang songs of the protests. Some of the participants included the Samgeet and the Anti-Oppression Artists’ Association, ocular creator Debashis Chakraborty, artists Sayan and Mousumi, cartoonists Ahmed Kabir Kishore and Mehedi Haque, rapper Hannan, and the University Teachers Network.

As the anti-quota question mobilised, the students besides tried to bring the Gen Z and the mediate people into its fold. The turning constituent proved to beryllium erstwhile the backstage assemblage students and madrassa students, who person mostly refrained from joining protests of the students astatine nationalist universities, joined the ‘Students Against Discrimination’ movement.

The students who came unneurotic to show against Ms. Hasina included not conscionable the ones belonging to the student-wings of governmental actors but besides the regular students who were acrophobic astir their jobs owed to the quota system. Despite lacking ideological coherence, they stood agreed against the Awami League and the Chhatra League.

Political messaging done graffiti

Not conscionable the posters and placards carried by the students, but the walls of Dhaka excessively were utilized for governmental messaging, arsenic the Hasina authorities controlled the media and unopen down the Internet for eleven days. As the authorities and the Chhatra League’s repression intensified, the students, who had mobilised nether the sanction ‘Students Against Discrimination’ (SAD), gave a telephone for online and offline graffiti connected July 18. Ms. Murshid mentions that the Chika Mara (a signifier of graffiti made fashionable during the Language Movement of 1952 and the Liberation War of 1971) partition writings, which were deemed ‘vulgar’, were ‘replaced by endless walls of art’. She describes however this partition creation present featured elaborate Islamic calligraphy since the autumn of Ms. Hasina. “What was called graffiti had go politicised successful a antithetic way: co-opted to show the ideals of a “new Bangladesh” aft the “revolution” and repurposed to make a definite narrative. It was little astir spiritual messaging and much of an look of choler conveyed successful a beauteous way.

No 1 knows wherefore they were erased oregon who gave the instructions (though specified graffitis person ever fixed mode to caller ones). There was besides a statement connected what to beryllium retained and erased from the walls. The usage of inappropriate connection successful governmental sloganeering was removed arsenic immoderate argued that ‘profanities did not beryllium successful areas wherever children and aged parents could work them’.

Some believed that the usage of inappropriate connection done ‘spray painted scrawls, and the spikes and messiness of the script’ besides reflected the ‘chaos, fearfulness and wrath’ felt by protestors persecuted by the instrumentality enforcement agencies. A sanitised mentation of the graffiti that adorned the walls of Dhaka was aboriginal printed and presented arsenic the ‘Art of Triumph’ by Chief Adviser and caput of the interim authorities Professor Muhammad Yunus to a visiting delegation.

First martyr

The question had its archetypal martyr successful Abu Sayeed, a pupil from Rangpur, who symbolised the aspirations of millions looking for a authorities job. He was changeable dormant connected July 17, 2024. The consequent killings, which numbered adjacent to 1,000, were mostly the effect of constabulary firings, wholly transforming the quality of the question and making it astir the removal of Ms. Hasina.

The protests were nary longer restricted to the quota reforms spearheaded by students but had shifted to the hands of a larger governmental class. This made it hard for the authorities to disagreement the students and apprehension their leaders. Subjecting them to quality interrogation did not assistance either.

Ms. Hasina had surrounded herself with sycophants and opportunist leaders who could not talk the information to power. The killings of astir 1,000 students and younker proved to beryllium the impetus needed to prolong the anti-government movements. Both the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) and the JeI claimed that their cadres were besides among the victims. There were others too, specified arsenic policemen, AL workers and minorities who were deemed supporters of the AL. These killings were justified arsenic a reappraisal onslaught by the administration.

Some of the pupil leaders who were portion of the Awami League’s younker wing, the Chhatra League, came retired of their screen and identified themselves arsenic portion of the Bangladesh Islami Chhatra Shibir — the student-wing of the JeI. In fact, Sarjis Alam, convener of the recently formed student-led National Citizens Party (NCP), who astatine 1 constituent of clip had belonged to the Chhatra League, lauded the relation of the Chhatra Shibir. This well-conceived argumentation to usage the Awami League and the pupil organisations arsenic a screen was portion of the JeI’s strategy to antagonistic the authorities repression — thing it did successful 1972 erstwhile the enactment was banned.

For the past 15 years, the Liberation War and the Awami Leagu’s relation successful it were capitalised by Sheikh Hasina. According to this narrative, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman was the sole proprietor of the Liberation War, and the mentation perpetuated by Ms. Hasina and the Awami League astir the Liberation War became the nationalist narrative. Anyone who questioned this was termed anti-liberation unit oregon razakars.

Aftermath of the uprising

The autumn of Ms. Hasina’s authorities connected August 5, 2024, witnessed not conscionable unit against minorities perpetuated by those opposed to the Awami League but besides a unreserved to inhabit assemblage halls and ferry ghats to guarantee a amusement of strength. In Bangladesh politics, assemblage halls play an important portion successful the recruitment of enactment cadres portion concern of ferry ghats ensures governmental power and extortion of wealth from ferry operators, which is simply a important root of revenue.

This reflected however the much things changed, the much they remained the same. Effectively, the power of halls and ferry ghats had simply shifted from the hands of the Chhatra League to the Chatra Dal — the student-wing of the BNP.

The student-led NCP, which had projected itself arsenic the main stakeholder of the July revolution, demanded a proceedings of Awami League workers and different precocious officials progressive successful the unit of July 2024. It accused the main of the Army Staff, General Waker-Uz-Zaman, of forcing its members to judge a ‘refined Awami League’ erstwhile enactment leaders and Students Against Discrimination activists Sarjis Alam and Hasnat Abdullah, went to conscionable him.

The Army subsequently denied this allegation, with pupil leaders specified arsenic Abdul Hannan Masud, elder associated main coordinator of the NCP, opposed to expressing specified views against the Army successful public.

Meanwhile, the property helping of the Bangladesh Armed Forces, the Inter Service Public Relations (ISPR), portion acknowledging that the Army provided structure to politicians, judges and police, besides said “After the autumn of the erstwhile authorities during the students-and-citizens-led uprising, the wide instrumentality and bid concern successful the state deteriorated importantly owed to the activities of definite conspiratorial elements.”

This breakdown successful information led to attacks connected authorities offices and constabulary stations, unit against governmental activists and supporters of the Awami League, arson, mob justice, thefts, and looting. In specified a chaotic and volatile environment, galore citizens feared for their lives. However, the ISPR aboriginal clarified that each these officials near erstwhile the concern returned to normal. The NCP has been suspicious of the Army’s links to the Awami League, starring to apprehensions that it whitethorn effort to rehabilitate the party.

Separately, the lifestyles of immoderate pupil leaders came nether scrutiny, arsenic did their sources of wealth. The misuse of authoritative positions by pupil leaders besides made the headlines. An lawsuit to beryllium cited is the opening of an bureau by the NCP successful Dhaka’s Bangla Motor country and the hosting of an Iftar enactment astatine a five-star hotel, raising questions astir its root of funding. Mr. Alam’s motorcade, comprising implicit a 100 vehicles, successful his hometown of Panchagarh, besides raised questions regarding the expenses of this lavish show.

The NCP has precocious suspended Joint Member Secretary Gazi Salauddin Tanvir connected corruption charges. Its Joint Convener Sarwar Tushar was besides suspended connected motivation turpitude arsenic the enactment tries to physique a cleanable image.

After removing Ms. Hasina’s appointees from acquisition institutions and bureaucracy, the authorities filled them with the affiliates of the BNP and the JeI.

Demolition of 32 Dhanmondi (the erstwhile residence of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman), and attacks against erstwhile Ministers and their supporters’ houses crossed the state acceptable the code for a “new Bangladesh”, wherever mob unit became the bid of the day. In response, the Yunus authorities launched ‘Operation Devil Hunt’ connected February 8, 2025, to code the lawlessness, particularly aft students and civilians were allegedly attacked by ‘Awami League miscreants’ successful Gazipur a time before. Yet, astatine the aforesaid time, mob unit has been justified arsenic ‘expression of anger’.

The post-uprising play besides witnessed a systematic dismantling of thing associated with the Liberation War. Sheikh Mujibur Rahman’s statue was taken down, and his location was acceptable connected occurrence with immoderate adjacent dancing successful beforehand of it, which astatine 1 constituent successful time, was a governmental symbol. The location was dismantled erstwhile a telephone for a ‘bulldozer march’ was made connected societal media with the authorities softly presiding implicit the process.

Some adjacent demanded the dropping of the nationalist anthem to bash distant with Bangladesh’s humanities legacy. The last erasure of the Liberation War came erstwhile the Awami League was banned pursuing demands by the NCP. Not surprisingly, the Hefazat-e-Islam, an Islamist party, had besides joined hands with the NCP to telephone for this demand.

Meanwhile, respective protests person breached retired against the Yunus authorities since it came to powerfulness connected August 8, 2024. While garment workers demanded an summation successful wages, secretariat employees went connected onslaught successful May 2025 aft Mr. Yunus announced a instrumentality that enabled the dismissal of nationalist servants for misconduct earlier owed process, which was perceived arsenic an arbitrary move. More recently, schoolteachers protested seeking a wage hike. Separately, determination person been predominant protests by governmental parties too.

Post ‘revolution’: caller politics?

The pupil leaders who would spell connected to go portion of the recently formed authorities played an influential relation initially. While governmental reforms were their stated objective, wrong a fewer months, it became evident that the students wanted to signifier their ain party.

The Awami League authorities was massively corrupt and ruthless; but anyone acquainted with the functioning of governmental parties successful Bangladesh would beryllium alert that the enactment enactment reigns ultimate and hence the Awami League unsocial cannot beryllium blamed for Ms. Hasina’s misgovernance. It is besides apt that the banning of the Awami League would unfastened up abstraction for some the NCP and the Islamists portion the BNP remains a beardown contender for power.

The JeI, which has justified its relation successful the Liberation War of 1971, wants to make a caller narrative. The party’s Ameer, Dr. Shafiqur Rahman, said soon aft the July-August uprising that Bangladesh has fixed commencement to brave children and has achieved a 2nd liberation. This 2nd liberation would beryllium preserved with blood.

The Khaleda Zia-led BNP, which had earlier not supported the prohibition connected the Awami League, interestingly warmed up to the idea. It besides accused the NCP of being the ‘Kings’ Party’ and claimed it received patronage from the interim government. It alleged that the NCP was mounting up the Yunus government’s docket on with the Islamists; a constituent exemplified by the information that the NCP was joined by the Hefazat, the JeI and its pupil front, the Chhatra Shibir, and the Amar Bangladesh Party, successful its request seeking a prohibition connected the Awami League.

Division wrong the students

Following its motorboat connected February 28, 2025, the NCP included successful its fold students from assorted governmental factions who played a important relation during the pupil movement. For example, NCP main coordinator Nasiruddin Patwari had antecedently served arsenic the adjunct caput for accusation and probe affairs of the Amar Bangladesh Party (AB Party), which had breached distant from the JeI earlier. NCP Member Secretary Akhtar Hossain was the convener of the Ganatantrik Chhatra Shakti and a erstwhile societal payment caput of DUCSU.

While the Chhatra Shibir played an important role, the enactment was not included successful the NCP owed to differences successful sentiment regarding its relation wrong the NCP. Former Shibir activists connected the level wanted Ali Ahsan Zonaed, erstwhile president of the Shibir’s Dhaka University portion and subordinate of the Nagorik Committee’s enforcement body, arsenic the second-in-command of the caller party.

The Shibir’s request for an important presumption successful the NCP was based connected its relation successful the protests. Abdul Shadik Kayem, who belonged to the DU portion of the Chhatra Shibir, said the Shibir worked with assorted pupil factions. He said, “I was besides successful interaction with S.M. Farhad (Chhatra Shibir’s Dhaka University secretary) and Mahfuz

Alam (present advisor successful the interim regime). They, successful turn, were talking to Nahid Islam and Asif Mahmud. It was connected July 3, 2024, that the Executive Council of the Chhatra Shibir met, and a determination was made for the enactment to enactment the movement. Without the Shibir’s support, organising the protests would person been difficult.”

After Ms. Hasina’s ouster, student-wings of the JeI and the BNP were astatine loggerheads. Both the Chhatra Shibir and the Bangladesh Jatiotabadi Chatrodal (the BNP’s student-wing) wanted to predominate the campus, creating a occupation for the pupil leaders who had organised the protests nether the banner of the ‘Students Against Discrimination’.

It was lone successful October 2024 that the Chhatra Shibir decided to enactment successful authorities actively arsenic they formed a committee successful Dhaka University. Earlier connected August 13, 2024, the Chhatra Shibir participated successful a gathering of 35 different pupil organisations. The Shibir Public Relations serviceman had said, “Everyone connected field knew those who were connected the committee successful 2014 and 2018. The Shibir could not officially denote the committee during Sheikh Hasina’s regime”. In 1990, an organisation named Paribesh Parishad, representing each progressive pupil organisations of the Dhaka University, had passed a solution to not let the Chhatra Shibir from carrying retired governmental activities astatine the varsity. Despite specified stipulations, the Shibir remained active.

Another radical that was excluded from the NCP were leaders from backstage universities, who played a important relation successful the pupil movement. While announcing its 50-member advisory Council connected August 14, 2025, the enactment did not see immoderate students from backstage universities.

There was besides a statement connected whether the NCP should see successful the assembly erstwhile Shibir cadres whose genitor party, the JeI, was opposed to the Bangladesh Liberation War. The Shibir’s relation successful the pupil question was recognised by Sarjis Alam of the NCP. Speaking astatine a Chhatra Shibir rally astatine the Suhrawardy Udyan successful December 2024, Mr. Alam said, “We recovered Islami Chhatra Shibir to beryllium our allies successful 2024. They supported america some straight and indirectly by being contiguous connected the streets, offering advice, and playing the relation of allies astatine important stages.”

Former Shibir activists who were portion of the Students Against Discrimination movement, aboriginal formed an NCP Committee and pressed for the inclusion of Ali Ahsan Zonaed and Rafe Salman Rifat, erstwhile presidents of the Shibir’s Dhaka University unit. But this was not accepted. These members past decided to signifier the United Peoples Bangladesh arsenic a caller governmental organisation including the members who participated successful the July revolution.

Reforms is 1 of the areas wherever determination has been nary statement among antithetic stakeholders. After enforcing a prohibition connected the Awami League, the students privation to bash distant with the 1972 Constitution which they person termed arsenic a ‘Mujibbadi Constitution’. They importune connected a referendum connected the July Charter and a caller Constitution. The NCP has called for the implementation of reforms earlier the election. Nahid Islam, convener of the NCP, person of precocious go captious of the advisers and person said that astir of them are aligned with governmental parties and are looking for a harmless exit erstwhile the predetermination is over. It appears that Bangladesh authorities has travel a afloat ellipse arsenic anti-terrorism instrumentality is utilized for arbitrary arrests to soundlessness dissent, and mob unit is condoned arsenic ‘acts by unit groups’ and ‘outburst of nationalist anger’. Interestingly, the NCP, on with 4 near governmental parties person refused to motion the ‘July Charter’ that recommends authorities reforms, portion Mr. Yunus described the Charter arsenic a harbinger of ‘New Bangladesh’. Meanwhile, 24 different governmental parties person signed the Charter. While the students played a important relation successful the uprising, it whitethorn not beryllium casual to crook their occurrence into governmental superior and triumph elections. Nevertheless, the pupil uprising volition stay an important historical milestone successful Bangladesh’s governmental journey.

Smruti S. Pattanaik is simply a Research Fellow (SS) astatine Manohar Parrikar Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses